Sunday, February 24, 2008

What You Should Do By 18

I have been tagged by my friend Abu Fares to list 6 things one should do before 18. He has specified the following rules that I should follow.

  • Post these rules before presenting your list.
  • List 6 actions or achievements you think every person should accomplish before turning 18.
  • There are no conditions on what can be included on the list.
  • At the end of your blog, choose 6, or less, people to get tagged and list their names.
  • People who are tagged write their own blog entry with their 6 suggestions.
  • Don’t forget to leave them a comment telling them they’re tagged.

My first reaction, as was that of Abu Fares, is that 18 is such a tender age. An eighteen year old is only separated from childhood by a few transformative years, mere nanoseconds for someone rapidly approaching fifty like myself. Can a sixteen year old really be expected to know what are the most important things -aside from success in school- that they need to accomplish before the age of eighteen? This is, by necessity, wisdom gained in hindsight and transmitted by parents to children. My advice contains things that I did before the age of eighteen and that I consider important as well as things that I regret not having done. So if I sound, to the younger readers, a little too preachy, it is no accident, it is a rehearsed delivery that I have been giving to my fifteen year old.

1. Travel: Exposure to a different culture will widen one's horizon. Having said that, one has to have explored and appreciated the country of their birth. I benefited greatly from the travel brought about by out involuntary exile but missed out on much of what my own country had to offer. One of those days, I will come to visit you ya Abu Fares.

2. Volunteer: Children tend to grow up sheltered within a cocoon built by their parents. Their life experiences are limited to those of their immediate family and environment. Doing volunteer work to help the less fortunate or for the benefit of the greater good builds character and exposes a child to the realities of the world.

3. Work: Work teaches personal responsibility and discipline. Doing menial jobs is a right of passage for most teenagers in the U.S. In the Middle East, however, such work done by the sons or daughters of the middle and upper class is frowned upon. Such attitudes need to change but not at the expense of rich kids taking away job opportunities from those in need. But the benefits of work do not necessarily have to come from paying jobs (see number 2).

4. Learn to play a musical instrument: Even for those with little innate musical talent, the knowledge gained in the process of trying to learn will lead to a greater appreciation of music which in turn greatly enriches one's life. I realized this too late at age twenty at which point I taught myself to play the piano one summer between my undergraduate years. I progressed to playing simple pieces before I had to drop it when classes restarted. I still love music, but I am envious of those who can effortlessly play an instrument.

5. Learn to cook from your mother: And no this advice is not limited to young women. In fact, it is more specifically addressed to young men who, in the Middle East, tend to be spoiled silly by their mothers (ya ibni, ya habibi!). Food is not only for nutrition, it is for the soul; it is one's connection to family and culture. Growing up, I hung out often in the kitchen with my mother, helping out some but mostly tasting and "cleaning up". By the time I left home, I had to necessary tools to fend for myself. Those talents have since shrivelled as Um Kareem has become the absolute ruler of our kitchen; but I can't complain, she is by far the better cook.

6. Keep an open mind and remain humble, there is still much that you don't know. This is not something that needs to be done as much as something that needs to be left undone. Eighteen year olds, in their physical and mental prime, often exude a sense of youthful arrogance and invulnerability. They can seem to be dead set in their ideas or thoughts. They need to keep an open mind, the world is mosty not black and white but infinite shades of grey.

These are some of my thoughts. I am interested in the thoughts of Wassim with whom I engage in verbal skirmishes from time to time and Golaniya whose candor and daring is well established.

Thursday, February 07, 2008

A Plea to Syria's Sons and Daughters

A plea to Syrian expatriates in North America to support the principals of the Damascus Declaration and its imprisoned authors:
سورية اليوم بحاجة لأبناءها

صديقتي السورية
صديقي السوري


تحية عطرة وبعد..

في سبيل الحرية لشعبنا في سورية ندعوكم لتشكيل لجنة محلية في مدينتكم لإحياء "
إعلان دمشق" والعمل على جعل لجنتكم منبرا ينافح عن حريات مواطنينا في سورية ويساهم في ازالة الدكتاتورية من بلادنا.

فالنظام في سورية هذه الأيام يتوج ما يقارب نصف القرن من سياسات القمع المنظم بحملات اعتقالات تعسفية للمفكرين والمثقفين في سورية. فرغم محاولاته العديدة لدفن "
ربيع دمشق" أبى مثقفونا إلا الصمود على درب الحرية، فكان "إعلان دمشق" نقطة علامة في تاريخ النضال ضد الإستبداد، ولم تفلح كل محاولات النظام لإرهاب مثقفينا، وأصر منافحوا الحرية في وطننا على المسير قدما على طريق تحقيق التغيير الديمقراطي، فكان انعقاد المجلس الوطني لإعلان دمشق بتاريخ 1\12\2007 وتشكيل أطره القيادية والتمثيلية، معلنيها صراحة بأن مسيرة ربيع دمشق ما زالت قائمة ولن يثنيها عن عزمها شئ.

إن حملة القمع هذه ليست جديدة على شعبنا في سورية، فقد تفنن النظام في ايجاد التفاسير لقمعه ولعقود طويلة، فتارة يتهم اعداءه بالرجعية، وتارة بالتطرف، وتارة بالعمالة. ولكن هذه الترهات لا تنطلي على أحد منا. فاليوم لا يملك النظام تهمة لمناضلي المجلس الوطني للتغيير الديمقراطي سوى تهمة "المس من هيبة الدولة" فسجناء الحرية هؤلاء ليسوا بطلاب للسلطة ولا يريدون إبدال حاكم بآخر، انما يريدون أن تعود السلطة ليد المواطن صاحبها الحقيقي.

قد نختلف فكريا أو حزبيا مع مناضلي ربيع دمشق، ففيهم المسلم والمسيحي والإسلامي والعلماني والشيوعي والليبرالي والكردي والقومي، ولكنهم بمجموعهم يشكلون صورة مصغرة عن فسيفساء وطننا الحبيب وتعدديته، وقد وحدهم حبهم للحرية لأبناء وطننا، و هو الذي عليه أن يوحدنا، إنها الفرصة المناسبة لنا جميعا لنعلنها صريحة بأنه لن نقبل بعد اليوم أن يسجن مواطنا في بلدنا من أجل فكره أو مبدأه أو عقيدته، وأن نرفض أن يصبح القانون ألعوبة بيد الدكتاتور، وان لا سلطة للحاكم إلا ما تمنحه إياها انتخابات حرة شريفة، وأن مصدر الشرعيات السياسية كلها ما هو إلا المواطنين الذين يقفون جميعا سواسية أمام القانون. إن إعلان دمشق كرس هذه المبادئ، وبتهمة السعي لإقامة هذه المبادئ السامية يلقي النظام اليوم نخبة مثقفينا في غياهب السجن.

مالذي يمكننا أن نقدمه اليوم:

إننا ندعوكم للاستجابة
لنداء الأمانة العامة لإعلان دمشق، بأن تشكلوا في مدينتكم لجنة لتمثيل "إعلان دمشق" تقوم هذه اللجنة بتأسيس الإطارات المحلية لأقامة النشاطات الداعمة لحركة التغيير الديمقراطي في سورية ضمن الرؤية العامة لمبادئ "إعلان دمشق." وان تقوم هذه اللجنة بالتنسيق مع لجان المدن الأخرى. إننا ببناءنا لأطرنا المحلية في مغتربنا نفتح آفاقا جديدة لسجناء الرأي، ونبني القاعدة التي تتمكن من تقديم الدعم الضروري لمناضلي الحرية في سورية.

إن عملية تطوير الإمتداد العالمي لحركة الحرية في سورية مهمتنا جميعا. ونحن في "اعلان دمشق – لجنة شيكاغو-" نمد لكم يد العون لكي نعمل سوية من أجل الحرية في وطننا. وقد استجابت جماهيرنا في أوربا وشكلت بعض اللجان هناك. وهناك المزيد من اللجان تتشكل كل يوم، كما
تداعى السوريون في كندا لتشكيل لجان مماثلة.

نامل أن تساعدونا على نشر هذه الدعوة في صفوف المهتمين بالشأن السوري. وأن نبني معا جسور التواصل والتعاون لخير سورية حرة.



محي الدين قصار و موفق حمودة
kassarm@yahoo.com wild1103@sbcglobal.net
708-856-9816
2\6\2008


عن "اعلان دمشق – لجنة شيكاغو – “
للاستفسار والمعلومات أو المشاركة الرجاء الإتصال معنا بالهاتف أو بالبريد الإليكتروني

http://www.arraee.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=754

Tuesday, February 05, 2008

In Support of Tariq

Tariq Biasi is a blogger who had the misfortune of leaving a comment on a public website that the authorities deemed too critical of the government. He lost his freedom as a consequence. He is not the first and unfortunately will not be the last to lose his freedom for peacefully expressing their opinion.

  • Here is Ayman Haykal's post on the topic (in Arabic)
  • And here is Golaniya's extensive post on Tariq and other prisoners in English.

The Syrian regime's chokehold on its citizens' right to express themselves is unrelenting. Whether our expressions of outrage on the web really matter is highly debatable. The government knows that organized internal opposition, if present, is impotent. In addition, Syrian opposition outside is missing in action. They could care less about Western condemnations of their human rights records because they know that Western powers seem to care about the average Syrian only when it is politically expedient. The regime knows what buttons to push to get the pressure off their backs; it is a game that the Baathist regime has perfected over a span of two generations.

I despair...Real political reform in nowhere on the horizon.

Monday, January 28, 2008

Chief Rabbi's Gaza Solution: Throw Them Into the Desert

I was going to comment but I am afraid I would have lost my cool in the process. At any rate, the article speaks for itself.

Chief Rabbi says move Gazans to a Palestine in Sinai
By Saul Sadka, Haaretz, 1/28/2008

London - Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi Yona Metzger has been quoted as
calling for Gazans to be transferred to the Sinai Peninsula, to a
Palestinian state which he said could be constructed for them in the
desert.

In an interview in English with the British weekly The Jewish
News, the chief rabbi also said that while peaceable Muslims should be
allowed to pray in Jerusalem mosques, they should recognize that
Jerusalem belongs to the Jews. Muslims have Mecca and Medina, he was
quoted as saying, adding that "you don't need a third place."

Metzger called for Britain, the European Union and the United
States to assist in the construction of a Palestinian state in Egypt's
Sinai Desert.

According to Metzger, the plan would be to "take all the poor
people from Gaza to move them to a wonderful new modern country with
trains buses cars, like in Arizona - we are now in a generation where
you can take a desert and build a city. This will be a solution for the
poor people - they will have a nice county, and we shall have our
country and we shall live in peace."

Metzger was quoted as telling the paper that the plan was new and
he had not presented it to Prime Minister Ehud Olmert.

"I have thought about it with some wise people only in the last
two weeks, and I think it is a great idea - nobody spoke about it
before." He expressed his intent to discuss the matter with Olmert and
anticipated that the idea would find popularity among Israelis. He
prefaced his comments by pointing out that he could not advise on
political matters as he is a religious leader in Israel, noting that
according to the law he "cannot be involved in political situations."

Muslims 'don't need a third place
Metzger also called for Muslims to have the freedom to return to
pray in mosques on condition that they do so peaceably: "We will welcome
every Palestinian man who wants to pray in his mosque. Every Friday they
can come, but with one condition, without violence. We have the same
feeling about prayers, we want to give you respect but let us live and
believe our land is the Holy Land and Jerusalem belongs to us. You have
another place, Mecca and Medina, you don't need a third place."

In the interview Metzger also described Jerusalem as "the capital
city forever to the Jewish nation." He argued that Muslims have no
connection to Jerusalem commenting that "behind the Kotel we have a
mosque. But when they pray even though they are in our holiest place,
they face Mecca. Their back is to Jerusalem. So you can see from only
one sign that it does not belong to them. They have nothing - no
connection."

The tenure of Metzger, 54, appointed as chief rabbi in 2003 for a
ten-year term, has been marked by controversy. In 2006 Attorney General
Menachem Mazuz called on him to resign his post in a report which
alleged that he had accepted discounted hospitality at a number of
Israeli hotels - a call that Metzger rejected.

Metzger has also proposed the establishment of a "religious United
Nations" comprised of religious leaders from around the world, and was
named one of the 12 most influential international religious figures in
a recent CBS documentary entitled In God's Name.

Wednesday, January 23, 2008

Gaza: The Great Escape


I could not help but cheer on the thousands of Palestinians, fed up with Israel's cruel and stifling siege, who staged the world's largest mass prison breakout, even if it is likely that their new found freedom is only a temporary respite. The images of the Palestinians breaking through the physical barriers that have made their existence a living hell, are loaded with symbolism.

My joy, however, was tempered by the annoying spin on the whole Gaza debacle by the mainstream American media. I tend to get my real time news form the radio (TV news is just hopeless) at National Public Radio, which usually offers fairly objective, unsensational reporting on most topics, except recently when it comes to the Israli-Palestinian conflict. This morning the first story was a live report from the Gaza-Egyptian border. The reporter, explains that the blockade (of food, fuel, medicine) is Israel's response (ie: self defense) to the firing of Kassam rockets. This sequence of cause-effect is a given here, never mind that, even assuming the veracity of this sequence of events, the "effect" is collective punishment of a civilian population. He goes on to explain, incredibly, that the Palestinians went on a shopping spree in Egypt because of the scarcity of goods in Gaza, a situation that began when "Hamas came to power two years ago"; apparently the physical lockdown of the Gaza by Israel not a contributing factor. He also at least once, in talking about the siege, would qualify the siege as "what the Palestinians refer to as the so called siege". He was apparently unconvinced that this is a real siege rather than the product of overheated Arab minds trying to inflame the masses.

National Public Radio, deeming this report too sympathetic to the Palestinians found it necessary to follow it with another story from the other side, lest the pro-Israel media watchers descend on them with a vengeance. The story was about the psychological trauma suffered by the residents of Sderot, an Israeli town a mile form the Gaza border and the major target of the Kassam rockets. I am not unsympathetic to the plight of these civilians, but it is a stretch to compare the suffering of 18,000 Sderot residents to the hellish conditions that a million Palestinian continue to endure.

Distilling the two stories down to their message, we get the following: Arabs deserve what they get, Israel is just protecting itself and Israeli lives are more precious than Palestinian lives. So there you have it in a nutshell, the reason why the US, barring a major shift in attitude, can never act as an honest broker in the Arab-Israeli conflict.

(Photo AP/ Hatem Moussa)

Saturday, January 12, 2008

Yamli: Arabic Search Engine


I just discovered a new Arabic search engine tool that allows those of us with latin based keyboards to be able to search Arabic websites more effectively. What Yamli essentially does is tranliterate Arabic words typed phontenically using the Latin keyboard into Arabic script which is then used to search websites through Google.

Tuesday, January 08, 2008

Eboo Patel's Acts of Faith

I heard Eboo Patel in an interview and was intrigued by his story as told in his new book, Acts of Faith. Patel is the founder and director of Interfaith Youth Core, an international non-profit organization the aim of which is to build an interfaith youth movement. He is a Muslim American of Indian descent. His book, Acts of Faith, is an autobiography that traces the evolution of his thinking and philosophy on the necessity, indeed the urgency, of planting the seeds of interfaith cooperation among the youth in a world increasingly polarized by religion.

The following excerpt from best describes Patel's vision: "I believe that the twenty first century will be shaped by the faith line. One side of the faith line are religious totalitarians. Their conviction is that only one interpretation of one religion is the only legitimate way of being, believing and belonging on earth. Everyone else needs to be cowed, or condemned or killed. On the other side of the faith line are religious pluralists, who hold that people believing in different creeds and belonging to different communities need to learn to live together. Religious pluralism is neither mere coexistence nor forced consensus. It is a form of proactive cooperation that affirms the identity of the constituent communities while emphasizing that the well-being of each and all depends on the health of the whole. It is the belief that the common good is best served when each community has a chance to make its unique contribution."

Patel's beliefs are not the product of starry-eyed, naive idealism but are molded by his own life experiences as a brown-skinned Muslim growing up in a white America. The racial and ethnic taunts and his social marginalization in school left him angry and bitter. In college in the 90s, he found his voice and his intellectual stimulation among the left wing social and political activists. He read and absorbed the likes Malcolm x and Franz Fanon. Yet the anger and negativism that seemed to be part and parcel of much of this movement left him somewhat uneasy. He also noted that social and political activists always addressed social justice issues that had to do with race, ethnic, class or gender differences but never addressed issues of spirituality and religion.

Patel was most at ease and most satisfied when involved in active community service that tried to positively address issues of social justice. Most such service was provided by different faith based organizations a fact that made and important impression on him. Patel then takes us through his journey of discovery back to Islam by way of India all the while his family's experience with Hindu extremist terrorism and the events of 9/11 solidifies his conviction about the importance of interfaith understanding .

Patel argues, convincingly, that promoting interfaith understanding among the young is crucial. His organization brings together youths of different religious backgrounds to perform community service projects that conform to the shared ideals of all their faiths. They are then encouraged to share with each other narratives from their own faiths that promote these ideals. He shows, that far from diluting the individual religious identities, this type of sharing simultaneously reinforces the individual's religious identity and increases understanding of the faiths of others.

Much of Patel's struggles with issues of identity and faith will ring true especially for those Muslims living in the West. I fully share his concern for the need of interfaith understanding. In a world increasingly defined by an "us against them" mentality, the middle ground is quickly turning into a big gaping hole that threatens to swallow us all.

Thursday, December 27, 2007

On Benazir Bhutto's Assassination

Today, yet again, we witnessed an act of savagery that now passes as part of the regular political discourse in the Middle East and neighboring Muslim countries. The culprits in Bhutto's assassination are probably al Qaeda or one of its associates from the North West Frontier province bordering Afghanistan. Also high on the short list is the ISI, Pakistan's all powerful intelligence agency. These suspects are not mutually exclusive as the ISI seems to play both sides of the political divide in Pakistan. Bhutto's courageous and vocal opposition of Islamic extremists put her in the crosshairs of al Qaida and their backers, but it was also her very public endorsement by the U.S. that made her politically radioactive.

Despite Benazir's checkered political past, there is something about her that has intrigued me. I am not sure what it is exactly; her intelligence, her charisma, her good looks or the fact that she was a powerful Muslim woman who shatters the stereotypes. It is perhaps a combination of the above. Whatever it is, there was the hope, the promise that she might...might... bring a new approach to the politics of a critical Muslim country the fate of which is now intricately linked to that of the Middle East.

An objective review of her stints as prime minister would suggest that I am wrong in having been hopeful about her. However, her last time in office was over a decade ago. She deserved a second chance; she certainly did not deserve this end.

Wednesday, December 26, 2007

Christian Muslim Dialogue in the Syrian Desert

Interesting story on the interfaith dialogue set up by an Italian Jesuit priest in Deir Mar Musa al Habashi monastery between Damascus and Homs.

Syrian Church Aims to Foster Religious Dialogue
by Deborah Amos;National Public Radio, December 26, 2007 ·

Every 33 years, the major Christian and Muslim holidays of Christmas and Eid al Adha fall close together. This is one of those years.
While Christmas focuses on the birth of Jesus Christ, Eid al Adha centers on Abraham, a shared prophet from the Koran and the Bible's Old Testament. In the Middle East, these dual holidays are reminders of the many shared traditions of Muslims and Christians.
Deck the Malls
In the predominantly Muslim country of Syria, Christmas trees twinkle in shopping malls. Muslim neighborhoods are decorated with festive lights, a new custom borrowed from Christians.
The jingle bells are jazzy at the Damascus opera house – and the choir is decked out in gold robes. The horn players wear angel wings. Syria's Christian community celebrates the season with a traditional concert. Muslim families, also part of the tradition, join in the holiday cheer.
Across the Middle East, however, true understanding between Muslims and Christians is harder to find.
Leading the Way
One religious community in a mountaintop monastery is trying to lead the way to understanding. Dier Mar Musa is a long trek up a mountainside, up hundreds of stone steps that finally lead to an arched doorway, a courtyard and a church. The church was built more than 1,500 years ago, when Christians were a majority in the region.
"Christians in the Middle East, the numbers are going down quickly," says Rev. Paolo Dall'Oglio, who leads this community of Christians and Muslims. "Some of us are willing to create hope together, to build a complementary world vision in a way that we can work on our future world, hand-by-hand as minorities that have something to offer to majorities."
An Organic Life
Dall'Oglio makes sure there is tea after the long hike and a sumptuous spread of cheese, jam, olives and bread. The community produces the food it needs.
"We have only goats because this mountain is so high," says Luay Jubail, a veterinarian who takes care of the goat herd. "All the milk from the goats, only is special to produce cheese and everything is organic."
Sister Huda Faduil conducts tours of the church, the restored 6th century altar and medieval frescos of Bible stories. She has lived here for 13 years; she says she was attracted to the monastery's main mission.
"The first time I came for a visit only to see the place," she says. "It has attracted me, the simplicity of the place and our vocation, the dialogue with Islam."
To promote this dialogue, a place has been set aside within the church for Muslims to pray facing the holy city of Mecca. And on the wall, Arabic calligraphy in the shape of a dove spells out first phrase of the Muslim call to prayer.
Dall'Oglio, who came here from Italy in the 1980s as a young seminary student, says he found his life's work in this ancient place, promoting dialogue between Muslims and Christians.
"Each one of us, Muslims and Christians, we block the other in our concepts. We don't know about how the other build his hope, his relationship with God and others, his feeling about the secret spiritual dimension of life," Dall'Oglio says. "From that level, we are in a failure of dialogue and we have to start and start again."

Friday, December 14, 2007

What do Mormons and Muslims Have in Common?

No, you guessed wrong if you said polygamy. What they have in common is that in the United States both are vilified in the court of public opinion.

Since the events of 9/11 it has been open season on everything Arab or Muslim in the American media and among American politicians. What was considered unacceptable public discourse about any other religion, became perfectly acceptable when it came to Islam. This discourse served certain political and religious agendas intent on spreading fear and paranoia. One of the issues often remarked upon, usually with great indignation, is Islam's intolerance of dissent and of other religious traditions. This was always carefully contrasted with the West's superior and "exemplary" religious tolerance -history be damned.

So it is with great amusement that I now watch evangelical Christians, George W's constituency and the backbone of the Republican party, go after Mitt Romney, a Mormon, with the same zeal that they attacked Muslims. They accuse Romney of being the follower of a cult and insist that Mormons are not Christians. It makes them sound like a Wahhabi denouncing anyone who is not. It turns out, ultra-conservative evangelicals are as quick at pushing theTakfir button as Wahhabis are.


But the public preoccupation with Mormons does not mean that Muslims are off the hook. It turns out that one of Hillary Clinton's volunteer campaign workers was spreading email rumors that Barack Obama was (Gasp!!!) a crypto-Muslim. As if that is not bad enough, rumors have it that he sympathizes with Al Qaida types (double Gasp!!). Such garbage is not new as the not-so-Freudian slip of a conservative commentator a couple of years ago who called him Barack Osama clearly shows.

Doesn't look so good for the much vaunted religious tolerance of the Western, Judeo-Christian civilization.

Monday, December 10, 2007

Peace through Gastronomy

Interesting review from the New York times Magazine on Middle Eastern cooking books written by Oriental Jews. Makes me long for an alternative reality than the one we live where Arabs and Jews got along. Politics aside, it is not that far-fetched, the rift is not personal or cultural. If one applies Brillat-Savarin's axiom, then Poopa Dweck is first and foremost a Syrian as much as Roden is Egyptian.

Culinary Orientalism
By Jon Fasman
NYT Magazine, December 9, 2007


Tell me what you eat,” wrote the 19th-century French gastronome Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin, “and I shall tell you what you are.” In other words, an understanding of a community’s cuisine entails an understanding of the community itself. Of late, the cookbook industry seems to have made — perhaps unwittingly — a case that understanding Middle Eastern cuisine is the path to resolving the world’s geopolitical crises.

Consider Claudia Roden’s “Arabesque,” a cookbook that takes in the variant cuisines of Turkey, Morocco and Lebanon. In a review in Slate, Michael Lukas, an American living in Turkey, points out that “Arabesque” is not just — is not even primarily — an excellent cookbook: by socially, politically and historically contextualizing the three cuisines, he argues, Roden has also written an effective primer on the diversity of the Middle East. Lukas even goes so far as to suggest that the late scholar and activist Edward Said (the author of “Orientalism,” an influential critique of traditional scholarship about the Middle East) might have recommended Roden’s book as a reliable guide to the region.

Poopa Dweck has done something similar to Roden’s feat in “Aromas of Aleppo,” a Syrian-Jewish cookbook that was published in August. Like Roden, Dweck traces her roots back to the all-but-vanished Jewish communities of the Levant. Aleppian Jewish cuisine, she argues — like the cuisine of any community — reflects and defines the community’s history. The Syrian Jews’ version of the classic Arab dish laham b’ajeen, for instance, gets its bite from tamarind, which they use far more than most other communities in the Middle East. Add together a few hundred such small differences and you have a subcommunity.

Dweck says that “the Europeans built a wall around themselves. We didn’t. My mother was shoulder to shoulder with Arabs in the market. We learned all our recipes from them.” A message of hope? Sure, but underneath that, an understanding of the need to understand.


(Photo by Yasmina)

Tuesday, December 04, 2007

Holland and Its Muslim Immigrants


On a minibus transporting researchers to a medical conference, a Dutch colleague, sitting across from me said "look a mosque with TWO minarets". A sly smirk flashed across his face as he emphasized "two", as if trying to bait me. I turned around to look. Indeed, there amidst a drab urban landscape at the edge of Rotterdam, was a humble small mosque, not particularly attractive, with a central dome framed by two small, slender minarets. Refusing to bite, I said "yes, it is Turkish in style and their mosques often have two minarets". There was no further discussion. Now, I am not one to over read what people say, but clearly his statement was pregnant with what was left unsaid. "It is bad enough that we let THEM build a mosque, but then they have to rub it in by building TWO minarets" is what he meant to say. This sentiment, in a nutshell, summarizes the state of European suspicion, paranoia and distrust towards the recent -and not so recent- Muslim immigrants. The latest manifestation of this tension is the ongoing battle over the building of mosques.

In Holland, known for a long time for its liberal policies on immigration the tide turned abruptly in 2004 when the film maker and rabid Islamophobe, Leo van Gogh, was murdered by a home grown Muslim extremist. This murder was followed by numerous acts of vandalism against the Dutch Muslim community and resulted in a palpable hardening of Dutch feelings towards immigrants and asylum seekers in general.

Twenty to thirty years ago as the Dutch standard of living rose, these immigrants, mostly from Morocco and Turkey, streamed in to fill a void at the bottom of the labor market. In Holland, as many Northern European countries, they were provided with housing in communities physically separated from the rest of the population. The reasoning was that the immigrants were in Holland temporarily and thus keeping them together would maintain their sense of community and cultural integrity. Or perhaps the explanation was just a cover for a covert racist attitude among the Dutch who preferred that their "guest workers" remained out of sight. Whatever the true reason, this setup created second and third generation immigrants who are alienated and disenfranchised from the rest of the Dutch society and who became easy prey for peddlers of extremist ideologies. Some in Holland lay the blame on the immigrants themselves saying they prefer living in insular communities and that their closed and conservative faith prevents them from integrating into Dutch society. Yet some of my thoughtful Dutch colleagues tell me that me that racism and anti-Muslim feelings, present long before Leo van Gogh was murdered, are also largely to blame. A job application form with an Arab or Muslim sounding name, they assure me, stands little chance of being selected regardless of qualifications.

(Photo: Leiden canal, posterized photo by AK)



Saturday, December 01, 2007

Raoui

Algerian singer Souad Massi is one of my favorite female vocalists. Her smooth silky voice is like a soothing balm for all that ails you. Her voice warms you up like a cup of steaming hot, sweet, Magherbian mint tea; better than any synthetic drug- legal or otherwise. But she is more than just a beautiful voice. Her music is highly original, melding together many musical traditions but never too far from her Algerian roots.

Raoui (Storyteller) is one of my favorite Massi song. Listen to the lyrics.

Friday, November 23, 2007

Pity The Nation ...

"... Pity the nation that acclaims the bully as hero, and that deems the glittering conqueror bountiful.
Pity the nation that despises a passion in its dream, yet submits in its awakening.
Pity the nation that raises not its voice save when it walks in a funeral, boasts not except when its neck is laid between the sword and the block.
Pity the nation whose statesman is a fox, whose philosopher is a juggle, and whose art is the art of patching and mimicking.
Pity the nation that welcomes its new ruler with trumpetings, and farewells him with hootings, only to welcome another with trumpetings again.
Pity the nation whose sages are dumb with years and whose strong men are yet in the cradle.
Pity the nation divided into fragments, each fragment deeming itself a nation."

From: The Garden of the Prophet, Gibran Khalil Gibran

This quote from Gibran was the preface to Robert Fisk's 1990 book about Lebanon (Pity The Nation). It is sad to see that seventeen years later, Gibran's words still ring true. Lebanon's ruling class, across the board and without exception, has failed the people. Today's editorial in the
Daily Star, echos well what I feel about those who have brought Lebanon to the brink of disaster. I am optimistic however that civil strife will be avoided. My hope lies in the belief that unlike their politicians, the Lebanese people have learned the lessons of their recent history and will not, like the proverbial lemmings, follow their leaders over the cliff.

Lebanon and its people deserve better than this.

Thursday, November 22, 2007

Syria: Another Round of Internet Censorship


Yet another round of random internet censorship. I don't get it! What is it that Bashar Al Assad, the self-described computer geek, and his government afraid of? He is securely in power, having, by pure luck or shrewd design, outmaneuvered both external and internal challenges to his authority. Moreover, this intermittent assault on the internet is useless in stemming the flow of information. With satellite TV, cellphones and proxy servers Syrians will continue to get plenty of information that that is not sanitized and whitewashed by their government.

So it is time for the government to stop this needless and futile censorship bullshit and move on. Everyone will be better off for it.

Tuesday, November 13, 2007

Morocco: A First Impression of the Maghreb


Taking advantage of a work trip across the Atlantic to Europe, I took a detour on my way back and spent a few days in Morocco. I always wanted to visit Morocco, but my added incentive was that my youngest brother has been working in Rabat for a couple of years and I hadn't seen him in a while.

The tone for my visit was set by the welcoming smile of the immigration officer once he learned I was Syrian. Moroccans have a particular affinity for Syrians given the ties with Andalusian history but also more recently in the sixties and seventies when many Syrians worked in Moroccan schools as Arabic teachers.

One of the first things that a Levantine Arab realizes is how different the Moroccan dialect is from Eastern meditarenean dialects. Past Asalaamu Alaikum, I was almost clueless as to what my brother was saying when talking to Moroccans. They tend to eat their vowels when speaking whereas Syrians tend to stretch them. Moroccan also use many different words than we do and their language is heavily influenced by Spanish and Berber.

In the short days I was there, we visited Rabat, took the train to Marrakesh and then drove up to visit the spectacular Atlas mountains. I saw only a small fraction of this country but I was fascinated. It is at the same time familiar and very different. Rabat’s physical appearance reminded me a little of Beirut and Damascus with its French-style art deco buildings from the 30s and 40s. But any such resemblance disappears when you get to the mud and stone wall of the old medina. Some of the faces on the streets were also familiar but also very different as the ethnic spectrum here includes Berber and African features and every permutation in between. You get the superficial impression that this is a conservative Muslim country but soon realize that the clothes that Moroccans wear tend to reflect more their adherence to their tradition rather than strict religious conservatism. The country’s history and traditions reflect its unique geography at the intersection of Europe, the Arab world and Africa. Nowhere
is Morocco's uniqueness better displayed than in the public square in front of al-Fna mosque in Marrakesh.

Approaching al-Fna at night is a surreal experience. You can feel the energy of the place from a distance teaming as it is with thousands of people and lit up with a multitude of bare bulbs illuminating the food stalls and the veil of steam and smoke rising from the stalls. You also hear and feel the throb of the drums beating both recognizably Middle Eastern rhythms to powerful African ones. The place is packed with musicians, performers, dancers, story tellers, African and Moroccan traditional herbalists selling their ware. This place is not artificially conjured up for the pleasure of Western tourists. Sure, there are plenty of them but they are there for the exotic atmosphere and seem to care littler about what they see or here. On the other hand every night you see thousands of Moroccans descending on this place to enjoy to the music, get entranced by the story tellers or listen intently as a healer, using semi-scientific terms tells them how they can improve there sexual prowess.

I clearly got the sense, during my short visit, of a country on the move. You can see innumerable infrastructure construction projects under way. There are also large housing and hotel developments underway to accommodate the increasing popularity of Morocco as a destination for both Europeans and Arabs. In contrast, you also see a lot of poverty and wonder if the people are benefiting economically from the tourism boom. In the town of Asni, high up in the Atlas mountains we came across a small luxury hotel built by Sir Richard Branson (of Virgin fame). It is beautifully, if somewhat excessively, appointed with opulent oriental art, with incense wafting everywhere and a hammam. It is meant to be every Westerner’s Orientalist fantasy –minus the harem. Yet, sitting on their lovely veranda overlooking a valley, I could not help but wonder what the people across the valley, living in a village of mud huts with no paved road access thought of this over the top luxury in the midst.

Morocco’s political situation has parallels to Syria. King Mohammed VI, just like Bashar Al Assad, came to power following the death of his father in 1999. Just like Bashar, he was also touted as a young reformer. Unlike Bashar, however, Mohammed VI has fulfilled many of his promised reforms. Don’t get me wrong, this is still an autocratic regime and his pictures adorn, discretely, the walls of every store. On assuming the throne, the king set in motion a reconciliation with the people of the Rif in the North and pushed through reforms to significantly enhance the rights of women. He also set up a commission to look into the repression and abuses of human rights during the reign of his father, a time known in Morocco as Les annees de plomb (the years of lead). Morocco now enjoys the benefits of a lively and active civil society and a fairly open press with publications such as Telquel in French and its Arabic sister magazine Nishan, that regularly lambaste the royalty and tackle issues such as governmental corruption as well as take on taboo social issues. In fact, next to Lebanon, it is probably the freest press in the Arab world. I am, of course, speaking of relative freedom of expression. There remains clear red lines that the press cannot cross; they cannot, for example, attack the king personally. Where Mohammed VI has failed is in significantly improving the overall economic situation of the country. My brief (superficial) observations suggests that much of the visible investment is going into infrastructure and housing projects to benefit wealthy tourists, an approach that I don't particularly care for. Meanwhile, in Rabat, in front of the parliament, there are daily protests by unemployed university graduates.
Morocco deserves further exploration and a return visit will definitely be scheduled. It is also a country that deserves watching and learning from its success as it, like many other Arab countries, bring about needed reform and changes in the midst of rigid and autocratic system.

Photos: AK, top: Marrakesh medina, middle: Saadi dynasty tombs, bottom: Atlas mountains

Saturday, October 27, 2007

A Note to My Daughter


The short time that we have as parents to shepperd you, our children, into adulthood, is a time of much anxiety. We nag, we cajole, we praise and we lose our temper in our attempts to keep you and your brother in the straight and narrow. But when do we know that we have succeeded? Conventional wisdom dictates that children grow slowly into mature adults. But you, my dear, have defied conventional wisdom as you demonstrated to us, without a doubt, that we have succeeded.

It was not exactly how we wished it to happen, but then again life is never predictable. We sat in the corner of the office, worried sick, and watched as you, despite unremitting pain, spoke to the doctor calmly and with a grace and poise that belies your age. It is not that you were unaware of the gravity of your condition, but you refused to whine or wallow in self pity in spite of the poking, the prodding and the painful procedures. You cannot image how proud we are of the way you handled yourself during this ordeal.

Now that you are on your way to recovery, could you please pass on some of that wisdom to your younger brother?

(Photo by AK: Mekong river at sunset, Laos 1975. Handmade print in sepia tone; no photoshop back in the stone age)

Friday, October 26, 2007

A Benevolent Hegemon is an Oxymoron

Francis Fukuyama, the author of The End of History and one of the influential Neocons in the Project for the New American Century think tank starting in 1997, has shed his neoconservatism . After urging George W. to attack Iraq even if no connection with September 11 was found, he is now vehemently against the war and the militarisation of American foreign policy. What he describes as the Bush administration's failures were predicted and predictable by most non-American analysts. That most conservative American analysts could not see this coming is a reflection of the insularity of their thinking and the arrogance of their power. Their self-righteousness rivaled the religious self-righteousness of the fanatics that they claim to be fighting.

A self-defeating hegemony: Four key mistakes made by the Bush administration have made anti-Americanism one of the chief fault lines of global politics.

Francis Fukuyama, Guardian, October 25, 2007

When I wrote about the End of History almost 20 years ago, one thing that I did not anticipate was the degree to which American behaviour and misjudgments would make anti-Americanism one of the chief fault lines of global politics. And yet, particularly since the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001, that is precisely what has happened, owing to four key mistakes made by the Bush administration.First, the doctrine of "preemption", which was devised in response to the 2001 attacks, was inappropriately broadened to include Iraq and other so-called "rogue states" that threatened to develop weapons of mass destruction. To be sure, preemption is fully justified vis-a-vis stateless terrorists wielding such weapons. But it cannot be the core of a general non-proliferation policy, whereby the United States intervenes militarily everywhere to prevent the development of nuclear weapons.The cost of executing such a policy simply would be too high (several hundred billion dollars and tens of thousands of casualties in Iraq and still counting). This is why the Bush administration has shied away from military confrontations with North Korea and Iran, despite its veneration of Israel's air strike on Iraq's Osirak reactor in 1981, which set back Saddam Hussein's nuclear programme by several years. After all, the very success of that attack meant that such limited intervention could never be repeated, because would-be proliferators learned to bury, hide, or duplicate their nascent weapons programmes.The second important miscalculation concerned the likely global reaction to America's exercise of its hegemonic power. Many people within the Bush administration believed that even without approval by the UN security council or Nato, American power would be legitimised by its successful use. This had been the pattern for many US initiatives during the cold war, and in the Balkans during the 1990s; back then, it was known as "leadership" rather than "unilateralism".But, by the time of the Iraq war, conditions had changed: the US had grown so powerful relative to the rest of the world that the lack of reciprocity became an intense source of irritation even to America's closest allies. The structural anti-Americanism arising from the global distribution of power was evident well before the Iraq war, in the opposition to American-led globalisation during the Clinton years. But it was exacerbated by the Bush administration's "in-your-face" disregard for a variety of international institutions as soon it came into office - a pattern that continued through the onset of the Iraq war.America's third mistake was to overestimate how effective conventional military power would be in dealing with the weak states and networked transnational organisations that characterise international politics, at least in the broader Middle East. It is worth pondering why a country with more military power than any other in human history, and that spends as much on its military as virtually the rest of the world combined, cannot bring security to a small country of 24 million people after more than three years of occupation. At least part of the problem is that it is dealing with complex social forces that are not organised into centralised hierarchies that can enforce rules, and thus be deterred, coerced, or otherwise manipulated through conventional power.Israel made a similar mistake in thinking that it could use its enormous margin of conventional military power to destroy Hizbullah in last summer's Lebanon war. Both Israel and the US are nostalgic for a 20th century world of nation-states, which is understandable, since that is the world to which the kind of conventional power they possess is best suited.But nostalgia has led both states to misinterpret the challenges they now face, whether by linking al-Qaida to Saddam Hussein's Iraq, or Hizbullah to Iran and Syria. This linkage does exist in the case of Hizbullah, but the networked actors have their own social roots and are not simply pawns used by regional powers. This is why the exercise of conventional power has become frustrating.Finally, the Bush administration's use of power has lacked not only a compelling strategy or doctrine, but also simple competence. In Iraq alone, the administration misestimated the threat of WMD, failed to plan adequately for the occupation, and then proved unable to adjust quickly when things went wrong. To this day, it has dropped the ball on very straightforward operational issues in Iraq, such as funding democracy promotion efforts.Incompetence in implementation has strategic consequences. Many of the voices that called for, and then bungled, military intervention in Iraq are now calling for war with Iran. Why should the rest of the world think that conflict with a larger and more resolute enemy would be handled any more capably?But the fundamental problem remains the lopsided distribution of power in the international system. Any country in the same position as the US, even a democracy, would be tempted to exercise its hegemonic power with less and less restraint. America's founding fathers were motivated by a similar belief that unchecked power, even when democratically legitimated, could be dangerous, which is why they created a constitutional system of internally separated powers to limit the executive.Such a system does not exist on a global scale today, which may explain how America got into such trouble. A smoother international distribution of power, even in a global system that is less than fully democratic, would pose fewer temptations to abandon the prudent exercise of power.

Monday, October 15, 2007

Saturday, October 13, 2007

لماذا اكتب بألأنكليزية

Anas, from the blog An@s online raised the question a couple of days ago as to why some Syrian bloggers choose to write in English. It is a fair question, posed in a thoughtful way and without prejudgement. Here is my answer.

إلى أخي ألمواطن ألكريم أنس
I will try to answer your question as to why I blog in English rather than in Arabic. The reasons are not simple and straightforward and are my own personal reasons though I suspect that other Syrians who blog in English may share some of the same reasons.

I could tell you that I don't possess an Arabic keyboard and that I rely on a tedious, slow and impractical online Arabic keyboard for the few times that I do write in Arabic. That is all true but that would be a lame excuse for not posting in Arabic. The bottom line, the naked truth is that, unfortunately, my command of Arabic, my native language, is not good enough for me to effectively express my thoughts.

Why? It is a long story. It is the story of many expatriates like myself who left Syria (not by choice) early on and whose formative years were spent in a nomadic existence in and out of the Arab world. My early schooling was in Lebanon, where in most private schools, a command of the Arabic language was not emphasized. Subsequently all of my university education was in English.

So you see Anas, it is not that I chose not to write in Arabic, it is that I cannot do it effectively. I envy bloggers like yourself and other Syrian bloggers writing in Arabic who can write so effectively and eloquently in Arabic. One of the comments left on your post suggested that Syrians who write in English feel somehow superior to the common Syrian and though they may feel a longing for Syria it is a longing for the land but not its people. This cannot be farther from the truth and here I can speak on behalf of all the Syrian bloggers who post in English. One of the attributes of us Syrians as a people, if I may be allowed to make a sweeping generalization, is our simplicity. Simplicity not in the sense of simple mindedness but in the sense of tending to be humble and unpretentious. I have yet to see a post by a Syrian where other Syrians are slandered because of their social or economic status or their religious beliefs.

I understand your preference to read posts in Arabic, by thoughtful educated bloggers from within Syria. They certainly have a first hand view of the day to day issues that Syrians are dealing with and perhaps understand it better that I do. Where I disagree with you is your conclusion that somehow, because they write in Arabic, they are more steeped in and understanding of the culture and history of Syria.

But even if I could write effectively in Arabic, I would still write many posts in English. This is because I feel that in addition to exchanging thoughts with other Syrians, I want others to have access to our thoughts and ideas. I live divided among two cultures that are increasingly polarized by ignorance and the malicious spread of misinformation for political and strategic ends. I feel that is my duty, in whatever small way I can to try to bridge this chasm. My blog provides a window into which the curious can peer and learn about what I and other Syrians think and feel. Personal blogs, like few other ways of communication can humanize the "other". My American friends who read my blog have a much better understanding of not only who I am but have a better understanding of the broader issues that concern me and my Syrian compatriots.

You stated in your post that you rarely get past the first line of a post by a Syrian writing in English. I think that it is a pity. You are missing out on some very thoughtful and relevant posts. They will certainly broaden your perspective. We live in a rapidly changing and interconnected world, whether we like it or not. What happens anywhere in the world quickly ripples across the globe and Syria is certainly not immune to these effects. I am very interested in the thoughts of the blogs you prefer to frequent. But by the same token you ought to be curious about what other Syrians are writing, in whatever language they chose to communicate in.