Saturday, December 01, 2007
Raoui
Algerian singer Souad Massi is one of my favorite female vocalists. Her smooth silky voice is like a soothing balm for all that ails you. Her voice warms you up like a cup of steaming hot, sweet, Magherbian mint tea; better than any synthetic drug- legal or otherwise. But she is more than just a beautiful voice. Her music is highly original, melding together many musical traditions but never too far from her Algerian roots.
Raoui (Storyteller) is one of my favorite Massi song. Listen to the lyrics.
Friday, November 23, 2007
Pity The Nation ...
From: The Garden of the Prophet, Gibran Khalil Gibran
This quote from Gibran was the preface to Robert Fisk's 1990 book about Lebanon (Pity The Nation). It is sad to see that seventeen years later, Gibran's words still ring true. Lebanon's ruling class, across the board and without exception, has failed the people. Today's editorial in the Daily Star, echos well what I feel about those who have brought Lebanon to the brink of disaster. I am optimistic however that civil strife will be avoided. My hope lies in the belief that unlike their politicians, the Lebanese people have learned the lessons of their recent history and will not, like the proverbial lemmings, follow their leaders over the cliff.
Lebanon and its people deserve better than this.
Thursday, November 22, 2007
Syria: Another Round of Internet Censorship

Tuesday, November 13, 2007
Morocco: A First Impression of the Maghreb
The tone for my visit was set by the welcoming smile of the immigration officer once he learned I was Syrian. Moroccans have a particular affinity for Syrians given the ties with Andalusian history but also more recently in the sixties and seventies when many Syrians worked in Moroccan schools as Arabic teachers.
One of the first things that a Levantine Arab realizes is how different the Moroccan dialect is from Eastern meditarenean dialects. Past Asalaamu Alaikum, I was almost clueless as to what my brother was saying when talking to Moroccans. They tend to eat their vowels when speaking whereas Syrians tend to stretch them. Moroccan also use many different words than we do and their language is heavily influenced by Spanish and Berber.
In the short days I was there, we visited Rabat, took the train to Marrakesh and then drove up to visit the spectacular Atlas mountains. I saw only a small fraction of this country but I was fascinated. It is at the same time familiar and very different. Rabat’s physical appearance reminded me a little of Beirut and Damascus with its French-style art deco buildings from the 30s and 40s. But any such resemblance disappears when you get to the mud and stone wall of the old medina. Some of the faces on the streets were also familiar but also very different as the ethnic spectrum here includes Berber and African features and every permutation in between. You get the superficial impression that this is a conservative Muslim country but soon realize that the clothes that Moroccans wear tend to reflect more their adherence to their tradition rather than strict religious conservatism. The country’s history and traditions reflect its unique geography at the intersection of Europe, the Arab world and Africa. Nowhere
Approaching al-Fna at night is a surreal experience. You can feel the energy of the place from a distance teaming as it is with thousands of people and lit up with a multitude of bare bulbs illuminating the food stalls and the veil of steam and smoke rising from the stalls. You also hear and feel the throb of the drums beating both recognizably Middle Eastern rhythms to powerful African ones. The place is packed with musicians, performers, dancers, story tellers, African and Moroccan traditional herbalists selling their ware. This place is not artificially conjured up for the pleasure of Western tourists. Sure, there are plenty of them but they are there for the exotic atmosphere and seem to care littler about what they see or here. On the other hand every night you see thousands of Moroccans descending on this place to enjoy to the music, get entranced by the story tellers or listen intently as a healer, using semi-scientific terms tells them how they can improve there sexual prowess.
I clearly got the sense, during my short visit, of a country on the move. You can see innumerable infrastructure construction projects under way. There are also large housing and hotel developments underway to accommodate the increasing popularity of Morocco as a destination for both Europeans and Arabs. In contrast, you also see a lot of poverty and wonder if the people are benefiting economically from the tourism boom. In the town of Asni, high up in the Atlas mountains we came across a small luxury hotel built by Sir Richard Branson (of Virgin fame). It is beautifully, if somewhat excessively, appointed with opulent oriental art, with incense wafting everywhere and a hammam. It is meant to be every Westerner’s Orientalist fantasy –minus the harem. Yet, sitting on their lovely veranda overlooking a valley, I could not help but wonder what the people across the valley, living in a village of mud huts with no paved road access thought of this over the top luxury in the midst.
Morocco’s political situation has parallels to Syria. King Mohammed VI, just like Bashar Al Assad, came to power following the death of his father in 1999. Just like Bashar, he was also touted as a young reformer. Unlike Bashar, however, Mohammed VI has fulfilled many of his promised reforms. Don’t get me wrong, this is still an autocratic regime and his pictures adorn, discretely, the walls of every store. On assuming the throne, the king set in motion a reconciliation with the people of the Rif in the North and pushed through reforms to significantly enhance the rights of women. He also set up a commission to look into the repression and abuses of human rights during the reign of his father, a time known in Morocco as Les annees de plomb (the years of lead). Morocco now enjoys the benefits of a lively and active civil society and a fairly open press with publications such as Telquel in French and its Arabic sister magazine Nishan, that regularly lambaste the royalty and tackle issues such as governmental corruption as well as take on taboo social issues. In fact, next to Lebanon, it is probably the freest press in the Arab world. I am, of course, speaking of relative freedom of expression. There remains clear red lines that the press cannot cross; they cannot, for example, attack the king personally. Where Mohammed VI has failed is in significantly improving the overall economic situation of the country. My brief (superficial) observations suggests that much of the visible investment is going into infrastructure and housing projects to benefit wealthy tourists, an approach that I don't particularly care for. Meanwhile, in Rabat, in front of the parliament, there are daily protests by unemployed university graduates.
Photos: AK, top: Marrakesh medina, middle: Saadi dynasty tombs, bottom: Atlas mountains
Saturday, October 27, 2007
A Note to My Daughter

It was not exactly how we wished it to happen, but then again life is never predictable. We sat in the corner of the office, worried sick, and watched as you, despite unremitting pain, spoke to the doctor calmly and with a grace and poise that belies your age. It is not that you were unaware of the gravity of your condition, but you refused to whine or wallow in self pity in spite of the poking, the prodding and the painful procedures. You cannot image how proud we are of the way you handled yourself during this ordeal.
Now that you are on your way to recovery, could you please pass on some of that wisdom to your younger brother?
(Photo by AK: Mekong river at sunset, Laos 1975. Handmade print in sepia tone; no photoshop back in the stone age)
Friday, October 26, 2007
A Benevolent Hegemon is an Oxymoron
A self-defeating hegemony: Four key mistakes made by the Bush administration have made anti-Americanism one of the chief fault lines of global politics.
Francis Fukuyama, Guardian, October 25, 2007
When I wrote about the End of History almost 20 years ago, one thing that I did not anticipate was the degree to which American behaviour and misjudgments would make anti-Americanism one of the chief fault lines of global politics. And yet, particularly since the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001, that is precisely what has happened, owing to four key mistakes made by the Bush administration.First, the doctrine of "preemption", which was devised in response to the 2001 attacks, was inappropriately broadened to include Iraq and other so-called "rogue states" that threatened to develop weapons of mass destruction. To be sure, preemption is fully justified vis-a-vis stateless terrorists wielding such weapons. But it cannot be the core of a general non-proliferation policy, whereby the United States intervenes militarily everywhere to prevent the development of nuclear weapons.The cost of executing such a policy simply would be too high (several hundred billion dollars and tens of thousands of casualties in Iraq and still counting). This is why the Bush administration has shied away from military confrontations with North Korea and Iran, despite its veneration of Israel's air strike on Iraq's Osirak reactor in 1981, which set back Saddam Hussein's nuclear programme by several years. After all, the very success of that attack meant that such limited intervention could never be repeated, because would-be proliferators learned to bury, hide, or duplicate their nascent weapons programmes.The second important miscalculation concerned the likely global reaction to America's exercise of its hegemonic power. Many people within the Bush administration believed that even without approval by the UN security council or Nato, American power would be legitimised by its successful use. This had been the pattern for many US initiatives during the cold war, and in the Balkans during the 1990s; back then, it was known as "leadership" rather than "unilateralism".But, by the time of the Iraq war, conditions had changed: the US had grown so powerful relative to the rest of the world that the lack of reciprocity became an intense source of irritation even to America's closest allies. The structural anti-Americanism arising from the global distribution of power was evident well before the Iraq war, in the opposition to American-led globalisation during the Clinton years. But it was exacerbated by the Bush administration's "in-your-face" disregard for a variety of international institutions as soon it came into office - a pattern that continued through the onset of the Iraq war.America's third mistake was to overestimate how effective conventional military power would be in dealing with the weak states and networked transnational organisations that characterise international politics, at least in the broader Middle East. It is worth pondering why a country with more military power than any other in human history, and that spends as much on its military as virtually the rest of the world combined, cannot bring security to a small country of 24 million people after more than three years of occupation. At least part of the problem is that it is dealing with complex social forces that are not organised into centralised hierarchies that can enforce rules, and thus be deterred, coerced, or otherwise manipulated through conventional power.Israel made a similar mistake in thinking that it could use its enormous margin of conventional military power to destroy Hizbullah in last summer's Lebanon war. Both Israel and the US are nostalgic for a 20th century world of nation-states, which is understandable, since that is the world to which the kind of conventional power they possess is best suited.But nostalgia has led both states to misinterpret the challenges they now face, whether by linking al-Qaida to Saddam Hussein's Iraq, or Hizbullah to Iran and Syria. This linkage does exist in the case of Hizbullah, but the networked actors have their own social roots and are not simply pawns used by regional powers. This is why the exercise of conventional power has become frustrating.Finally, the Bush administration's use of power has lacked not only a compelling strategy or doctrine, but also simple competence. In Iraq alone, the administration misestimated the threat of WMD, failed to plan adequately for the occupation, and then proved unable to adjust quickly when things went wrong. To this day, it has dropped the ball on very straightforward operational issues in Iraq, such as funding democracy promotion efforts.Incompetence in implementation has strategic consequences. Many of the voices that called for, and then bungled, military intervention in Iraq are now calling for war with Iran. Why should the rest of the world think that conflict with a larger and more resolute enemy would be handled any more capably?But the fundamental problem remains the lopsided distribution of power in the international system. Any country in the same position as the US, even a democracy, would be tempted to exercise its hegemonic power with less and less restraint. America's founding fathers were motivated by a similar belief that unchecked power, even when democratically legitimated, could be dangerous, which is why they created a constitutional system of internally separated powers to limit the executive.Such a system does not exist on a global scale today, which may explain how America got into such trouble. A smoother international distribution of power, even in a global system that is less than fully democratic, would pose fewer temptations to abandon the prudent exercise of power.
Monday, October 15, 2007
Saturday, October 13, 2007
لماذا اكتب بألأنكليزية
إلى أخي ألمواطن ألكريم أنس
I could tell you that I don't possess an Arabic keyboard and that I rely on a tedious, slow and impractical online Arabic keyboard for the few times that I do write in Arabic. That is all true but that would be a lame excuse for not posting in Arabic. The bottom line, the naked truth is that, unfortunately, my command of Arabic, my native language, is not good enough for me to effectively express my thoughts.
Why? It is a long story. It is the story of many expatriates like myself who left Syria (not by choice) early on and whose formative years were spent in a nomadic existence in and out of the Arab world. My early schooling was in Lebanon, where in most private schools, a command of the Arabic language was not emphasized. Subsequently all of my university education was in English.
So you see Anas, it is not that I chose not to write in Arabic, it is that I cannot do it effectively. I envy bloggers like yourself and other Syrian bloggers writing in Arabic who can write so effectively and eloquently in Arabic. One of the comments left on your post suggested that Syrians who write in English feel somehow superior to the common Syrian and though they may feel a longing for Syria it is a longing for the land but not its people. This cannot be farther from the truth and here I can speak on behalf of all the Syrian bloggers who post in English. One of the attributes of us Syrians as a people, if I may be allowed to make a sweeping generalization, is our simplicity. Simplicity not in the sense of simple mindedness but in the sense of tending to be humble and unpretentious. I have yet to see a post by a Syrian where other Syrians are slandered because of their social or economic status or their religious beliefs.
I understand your preference to read posts in Arabic, by thoughtful educated bloggers from within Syria. They certainly have a first hand view of the day to day issues that Syrians are dealing with and perhaps understand it better that I do. Where I disagree with you is your conclusion that somehow, because they write in Arabic, they are more steeped in and understanding of the culture and history of Syria.
But even if I could write effectively in Arabic, I would still write many posts in English. This is because I feel that in addition to exchanging thoughts with other Syrians, I want others to have access to our thoughts and ideas. I live divided among two cultures that are increasingly polarized by ignorance and the malicious spread of misinformation for political and strategic ends. I feel that is my duty, in whatever small way I can to try to bridge this chasm. My blog provides a window into which the curious can peer and learn about what I and other Syrians think and feel. Personal blogs, like few other ways of communication can humanize the "other". My American friends who read my blog have a much better understanding of not only who I am but have a better understanding of the broader issues that concern me and my Syrian compatriots.
You stated in your post that you rarely get past the first line of a post by a Syrian writing in English. I think that it is a pity. You are missing out on some very thoughtful and relevant posts. They will certainly broaden your perspective. We live in a rapidly changing and interconnected world, whether we like it or not. What happens anywhere in the world quickly ripples across the globe and Syria is certainly not immune to these effects. I am very interested in the thoughts of the blogs you prefer to frequent. But by the same token you ought to be curious about what other Syrians are writing, in whatever language they chose to communicate in.
Wednesday, October 10, 2007
Unblock Syrian Blogs!
Circumventing Web Censorship
There are several methods to evade censorship as outlined below including this recently released free software, Psiphon. The aim of this software as stated by its developers is as follows: psiphon is a human rights software project developed by the Citizen Lab at the Munk Centre for International Studies that allows citizens in uncensored countries to provide unfettered access to the Net through their home computers to friends and family members who live behind firewalls of states that censor.
Bypassing censorship through proxies (from Open Directory Project: http://www.dmoz.org)
Digital Cyber Soft - List of anonymous proxies.
FindProxy.org - Has articles about anonymous web browsing, internet security, and internet privacy.
Free Public Proxy Servers List - Regularly updated HTTP open/public proxy list
My Proxy - HTTP Proxy lists updated daily.
NNTime - Regularly updated proxy list.
OpenProxies - Open, public HTTP proxies, updated daily.
Proxy Blind - Information about using proxy servers for privacy, with socks and proxy lists.
Proxy Server Info - Proxy server guide and a small list of anonymous proxies.
Proxy Servers - Proxy list, tutorials and other related stuff.
ProxyDex - A large list of web based proxies.
Proxyleech.com - Checked list of proxy servers with IP and port, country, link to whois. List also available in plain text or as an XML file.
Proxy-List.net - Proxy lists submitted by users are automatically tested, and results posted.
Proxy-List.org - Automatically checked proxy lists, Proxy Extractor and related information.
ProxyLists.Net - Free HTTP and Socks proxy lists
Proxy.org - Contains a list of web based proxies, as well as a forum to discuss related topics.
Proxy.6te.net - Checked lists of free anonymous proxies.
Xroxy.com - Proxy lists and RSS feed
Free web based anonymyzing proxies:
Anonymouse - Free anonymous surfing.
Cool Tunnel - Site implementing CGI Proxy.
iphide.com - Free and safe anonymous browsing. No limits on download size or file types.
PHProxy - Web proxy, requiring JavaScript.
Proxify - Free web proxy with optional removal of cookies, scripts, ads and referers. Requires cookies.
Radical Overthrow - CGI Proxy site with SSL support.
SlyUser - CGI Proxy site to bypass filters at home, work, or school.
Vtunnel - Web proxy supporting SSL via the HTTPS encryption protocol.
Saturday, October 06, 2007
In Praise of Parents
Our parents are our anchors in this world. Even as adults, we still need the reassurance of their presence; they are our connection to the past and to our childhood. They know and understand the most intimate details of our lives. When we are far away from home and feel nostalgic, it is not so much nostalgia for a particular place or time, but nostalgia for the comforting, reassuring embrace that our parents provided us with as children.
When I became a parent my understanding of my own parents changed instantaneously. I finally understood what is meant by unconditional love. Until then, I was the recipient of such love and basked in its warmth and security but also took it for granted. Understanding that unconditional love can be both nurturing and overbearing, all previous disagreements, or friction that we had over the years became trivial and unimportant. In the end, as much as we like to chart our own way in this world, we are the product of our parents' nurturing love with all its complexity and contradictions.
Becoming a parent also made me rethink my own mortality. My life became in many ways secondary to that of my children. I would not hesitate a second to sacrifice my own life to save that of my children. Yet at the same time, I don't want to leave this world before I am certain that they are set to fly on their own, to forge ahead and have a productive life.
Yazan, I only know you from your writings and the comments that we have exchanged. But if you are, as I believe you are, a reflection of your parents, then you ought to be very proud of them. I can also state unequivocally that if my children, as adults, exhibit the qualities that you have, I will be a proud parent, at peace with the knowledge that my children will be worthy and productive citizens of this world.
We all grieve with you at this tragic and untimely loss; but as you grieve, also remember and celebrate all they have given you.
Friday, September 28, 2007
Simon Shaheen's Musical Magic

Several nights ago I attended a Simon Shaheen concert, part of a local World Music concert series organized by my University's school of music. I first heard him play to a small audience at this same venue some fifteen years ago. It was at a time when his star was just starting to rise. He impressed me then with his virtuosity and his skill as he effortlessly switched from playing oud to violin . The next time I saw him was at a Beiteddine Festival in Lebanon about three years ago. He was part of an odd three act show that also included the Egyptian shaabi music star Hakim, interesting for about one song, and the incomparable Khaled, the king of Rai. I loved Khaled's powerful voice but Shaheen's beautifully crafted instrumentals evoked deep emotions in me, simultaneously joyous and melancholic.
Simon Shaheen is a Palestinian, born in the village of Tarshiha in Galilee. He learned oud at the tender age of five at the hands of his father, himself an accomplished musician. He left to the United States in 1980 for graduate studies in music and has stayed on since then. When he became an American passport he was allowed to travel and perform in Arab countries. He now runs a yearly musical retreat for talented Palestinian children on the West Bank.
Shaheen had established himself as a master of classical Arabic music by the 1990s. It was his 2002 CD, Blue Flame, however, that really exhibits his true genius. In it, he manages to blend several musical styles to produce lush, joyful and totally original instrumentals. Musical fusion doesn't always work well as it often feels contrived and artificial. There is nothing artificial about Shaheen's compositions. He blends different musical styles seamlessly. Yet despite the strong Jazz and Caribbean elements in his compositions, they never loose their essentially Middle Eastern sound and feel. Nothing warms my heart more that Blue Flame blasting on my car stereo as it conjures up Mediterranean sunshine and deep blue skies on the coldest and greyest days.
During this last concernt, along with some favorites from his last CD, Shaheen and his Qantara band played some new unrecorded compositions. One was titled "Iraq" that he dedicated to the people of Iraq and the other titled "The Wall" in reference to Israel's apartheid wall. Both were sad and moving compositions.
Simon Shaheen makes me proud and his music makes me happy. Here are few samples from his last CD.
Monday, September 24, 2007
More on Air Strike: Nuclear, Chemical or ...Neither
Israeli air strike did not hit nuclear facility, intelligence officials say 09/24/2007 RAW STORY
by Larisa Alexandrovna
Israel did not strike a nuclear weapons facility in Syria on Sept. 6, instead striking a cache of North Korean missiles, current and former intelligence officials say. American intelligence sources familiar with key events leading up to the Israeli air raid tell RAW STORY that what the Syrians actually had were North Korean No-Dong missiles, possibly located at a site in either the city of Musalmiya in the northern part of Syria or further south around the city of Hama. While reports have alleged the US provided intelligence to Israel or that Israel shared their intelligence with the US, sources interviewed for this article believe that neither is accurate. By most accounts of intelligence officials, both former and current, Israel and the US both were well aware of the activities of North Korea and Syria and their attempts to chemically weaponize the No-Dong missile (above right). It therefore remains unclear why an intricate story involving evidence of a Syrian nuclear weapons program and/or enriched uranium was put out to press organizations. The North Korean missiles -- described as "legacy" by one source and "older generation" by another -- were not nuclear arms. Vincent Cannistraro, Director of Intelligence Programs for the National Security Council under President Ronald Reagan and Chief of Operations at the Central Intelligence Agency's Counterterrorism Center under President George H. W. Bush, said Sunday that what the Israelis hit was "absolutely not a nuclear weapons facility." "Syria has a small nuclear research facility and has had it for several years," Cannistraro said. "It is not capable of enriching uranium to weapons capability levels. Some Israelis speculated that the Syrians had succeeded in doing just that, but according to the US intelligence experts that is simply not true." But "Syria has a chemical weapons capability and has been trying to chemically weaponize war heads on their existing stocks of North Korean originated missiles," Cannistraro added. Israeli government and embassy officials are not commenting on the incident. According to intelligence sources familiar with the events leading up to the raid, an explosion on July 20 at a Syrian facility near the city of Halab, in the Northern part of Syria, caused Israel's retaliatory strike on Sept. 6. They could not say what caused the delayed reaction. Chemical warhead exploded at site North Korean scientists working with Syrian military and intelligence officials attempted to load a chemical warhead onto one of the North Korean missiles, likely the No-dong 1 model, according to intelligence current and former intelligence officers interviewed for this article. The result was an explosion that killed a few of those present and, according to some official reports of the blast, as many as 50 civilians. The SANA news agency described the blast at the time as "not the result of sabotage," but an explosion resulting from "the combustion of sensitive, highly explosive material caused by extremely high temperatures." The No-Dong 1 missile is a redesigned SCUD-C, which the Syrians are alleged to have acquired in the mid-1990s according to some estimations, while others say perhaps as late as 2000. According to the Federation of American Scientists, the No-Dong has a potential range/payload capacity of 1,000-1,300 km/700-1,000 kg. Cannistraro believes that these missiles were No-Dong, but did not specify which class. Others, however, named the No-Dong 1 model or described the missile in such a way as to indicate what could only be the No-Dong 1 model. The chemical explosion is believed to have included a Sarin nerve agent and made the area around the blast dangerous even after the fire from the explosion had been extinguished. This would make reconnaissance of the area difficult for foreign intelligence officers attempting to collect samples and data after the blast. The United Nations Chemical Weapons Convention treaty of 1993 outlawed the stockpiling of Sarin, but neither Syria nor North Korea are signatories to the treaty. Some believe that the Office of the Vice President is continuing to battle any attempts at diplomacy made by the US State Department in an effort to ensure no alternative but a military solution to destabilize and strike Iran, using Syria's alleged nuclear weapons program and close relations with Iran as a possible pretext. A Sept. 16 piece in the London Sunday Times alleged the attack proved Israel could penetrate Iran's air defenses. "By its actions, Israel showed it is not interested in waiting for diplomacy to work where nuclear weapons are at stake," reporter Uzi Mahnaimi wrote. "The Israelis proved they could penetrate the Syrian air defence [sic] system, which is stronger than the one protecting Iranian nuclear sites."
Sunday, September 23, 2007
Crimes of Dishonor

'How the murder of Zahra al-Azzo, a 16-year-old rape victim, has led Syrians to rethink the widespread acceptance of honor killing.
By KATHERINE ZOEPF
NYT Magazine, September 23, 2007
The struggle, if there was any, would have been very brief. Fawaz later recalled that his wife, Zahra, was sleeping soundly on her side and curled slightly against the pillow when he rose at dawn and readied himself for work at his construction job on the outskirts of Damascus. It was a rainy Sunday morning in January and very cold; as he left, Fawaz turned back one last time to tuck the blanket more snugly around his 16-year-old wife. Zahra slept on without stirring, and her husband locked the door of their tiny apartment carefully behind him.
Zahra was most likely still sleeping when her older brother, Fayyez, entered the apartment a short time later, using a stolen key and carrying a dagger. His sister lay on the carpeted floor, on the thin, foam mattress she shared with her husband, so Fayyez must have had to kneel next to Zahra as he raised the dagger and stabbed her five times in the head and back: brutal, tearing thrusts that shattered the base of her skull and nearly severed her spinal column. Leaving the door open, Fayyez walked downstairs and out to the local police station. There, he reportedly turned himself in, telling the officers on duty that he had killed his sister in order to remove the dishonor she had brought on the family by losing her virginity out of wedlock nearly 10 months earlier. (Read More)
Saturday, September 15, 2007
غمض عين، أفتح عين :Time Flies

حفيدتي ياسمينة
يا زهرة ألياسمين ___ يكفيك ما تحملين
على توالي ألسنين ___ من عبق طيب
يا زهرة...عاطرة___ ما زلت...بألذاكرة
في ألبسمة ألساحرة___ ولحظك ألمعجب
جدك ...لو تعلمين ___عانى شديد ألحنين
يحدوه شوق دفين___ لخدك ألأيرب
لما وصلنا ألمطار ___أحسست بعد ألديار
فكان كل ألحوار ___دمعا ...فلا تعتبي
لاغرو أن ألربيع___ أنجب زهرا بديع
ترتيلة...و دعاء___ من قلبي...ألمتعب
قولي لبابا أنا___ لوالديك...ألمنى

Its Time for the Palestinians to Talk...To Each Other
Defend the Palestinian cause against its most unreasonable supporters
By Hussein Ibish, September 14, 2007
The conflict that has developed between Fatah and Hamas poses new and unprecedented challenges for supporters of the Palestinian cause. A rational response to this crisis should focus on reformulating a viable strategy for ending the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land. The only serious prospect for ending the conflict and gaining independence for the Palestinian people is a negotiated solution to the occupation and the creation of a Palestinian state.
To work effectively toward that aim, there is no need for supporters of Palestine to become partisans of Fatah. However, important choices need to be made and there are serious consequences to words and deeds.
In the United States a small but vocal group of left-wing commentators has reacted by defending Hamas and heaping vitriol on Fatah. However well-intentioned, their rhetoric, or more significantly what it advocates, might significantly undermine efforts to help to end the occupation. (Continued here)
